Westminster is an infectious place. A tiny germ of debate or rebellion can spread throughout parliament, through Whitehall and into the prime minister’s office within hours. The windowless offices are cramped, MPs sit elbow to elbow in a Commons chamber that can only squeeze simply over 400 MPs into its seats, two-thirds of the number in parliament.
It is likewise a location of macho presenteeism, where the Greggs in Westminster tube station often works as a nighttime supper spot for some of the most senior office-holders in the land.
This was the scenario when Covid-19 showed up in the UK. The Guardian has actually spoken to a variety of individuals who existed at the time. They revealed that the infection spread far more widely than has been reported, and discussed the sense of panic throughout Whitehall as Covid threatened to paralyse federal government.
Horrified personnel and ministers, handling the worst crisis in years, had to consider how the country could be run when everyone in charge was getting ill.
Famously, Boris Johnson, Matt Hancock and Dominic Cummings contracted the virus. So did England’s primary medical officer, Prof Chris Whitty, and the then cabinet secretary, Mark Sedwill. Ministers and their staff had it. Nearly all the staff in Downing Street, too.
It spread to unique advisers throughout Whitehall and to parliamentary lobby reporters. Although the Palace of Westminster left any mass outbreaks among personnel, numerous MPs caught Covid. Lots of in the workplace of the Labour leader, including Seumas Milne, had it. Jeremy Corbyn may have had it, although he was never checked therefore has never been sure.
How Covid spread out through Westminster’s passages of power– timeline
Find out more
However the circumstance was at its worst at the heart of Downing Street. For a number of days aides looked practically completely to the then director of interactions, Lee Cain, for instructions.
” No 10 was a pester pit,” one adviser recalls. “Nobody outside the postal code rather knows how bad it got in there.”
Another stated: “Lee was running the nation, truly, for rather some time.”
According to a number of those present, practically the entire staff team in Downing Street captured Covid-19 at some point during those weeks, with James Slack, the prime minister’s representative, a notable exception.
” You ‘d got to a conference anticipating to see someone crucial and they were gone– and you understood why,” another advisor stated. “It started more surreal than scary, but it became really scary once the PM was so ill.”
There are less workplaces less fit to social distancing than Westminster. High security means much service is carried out face to face. MPs vote in packed and sweaty passages. Staffers share desks. Most windows can only be heaved open a fracture with brute force.
Downing Street is far from luxurious when compared to the palaces of most heads of state. Personnel use little entrances and passages with flaking paint and decorated only with laminated health and safety notices. In the weeks leading up to lockdown, staff acknowledge there was no social distancing to mention, only jokes about how to the majority of respectfully sing God Save the Queen while hand-washing.
Staffers operating in political and civil service functions during that time, who spoke on condition of privacy as some are still in post, admit the pandemic required time to appear on the radar of a federal government preoccupied with a great election success, Brexit and, closer to home, a purge of special advisers under Cummings’ iron fist.
There were issues, however there was also a lightheartedness. One assistant held a birthday celebration for fellow Tories and served Corona beer. Johnson was sufficiently unconcerned to miss out on 5 Cobra conferences in January and February. It appears clear the UK was deeply unprepared for the pandemic– from obsolete PPE to delayed readiness training– while contingency planning was diverted to a no-deal Brexit.
Lindsay Hoyle, the recently elected Speaker of the House of Commons, stated the whole of federal government did not see up until quite late the level to which Covid-19 would significantly modify everyone’s lives.
” I don’t believe we got an image [for a while] for how big of scale this was, or how it was going to affect the house. Like everybody else, we were underestimating how bad it was going to be. I’ll be very open, extremely truthful about that. It was absence of understanding of what we were facing.”
One of the few individuals still operating in a prominent job in Westminster who had experience of tackling a pandemic was the shadow health secretary, Jonathan Ashworth.
” I was really in Downing Street for swine influenza 10 years ago,” the Labour MP stated. “I keep in mind when I initially heard of the virus in Wuhan I believed: I wonder if that’s going to resemble swine flu. However I undoubtedly didn’t value at that point it would be off the scale.”
Ashworth asked for his very first instruction with Whitty in January 2020. By February he was doing “nothing else” but studying the trajectory of the infection, he said. However it was when the health minister Nadine Dorries was validated to have Covid on 10 March that the magnitude of the crisis totally dawned on a few of those in federal government.
” The minute we understood this is probably more widespread in the country than we thought is when Nadine Dorries evaluated positive,” one health authorities stated.
At the time, individuals were just meant to get checked if they had actually been to one of the affected areas. “So the original presumption was, she hasn’t been to Italy or China so she hasn’t got Covid, even if she’s got some symptoms. And after that she evaluated favorable and I remember thinking: hold on, is this thing spreading far more commonly than the people realise?”
On 11 March, the day after Dorries evaluated favorable, Liverpool played Atlético Madrid in front of a crowd of tens of thousands at Anfield. It was likewise the day of Rishi Sunak’s first budget.
” Video in your home of Commons for Rishi Sunak’s budget plan revealed Tories slapping him on the back. It was a dreadful appearance,” stated Ashworth, who began encouraging staff to remain at home the week before lockdown.” [The federal government] ought to not have actually been doing that. I think there was definitely a feeling of British exceptionalism in Downing Street.”
Many of those at the heart of the story who caught the virus confess they were sluggish to understand how quick it was spreading. One unique adviser remembered starting to experience symptoms in the middle of a meeting with a nationwide newspaper’s political editor.
” Everybody was getting ill, it was rather striking how apparent it was,” one senior Labour official stated.
” It seemed like a cold,” stated another senior celebration official. “And you wouldn’t typically go house due to the fact that you had a small cough. However then I was consuming something and it tasted like metal. And the within my nose felt strange. And that’s when I understood.”
One political journalist who began feeling ill described being grasped by horror later in the afternoon when they kept in mind that the MP they had satisfied previously for coffee had actually breezily announced she was off to a meeting with her entire parliamentary celebration– and wondered how many they may have unsuspectingly infected.
” It was so different due to the fact that it directly impacted everyone, I got many calls from journalists or MPs requesting personal advice, what takes place if I have actually had dinner here or I have actually satisfied this individual, or if I’ve been to see my 80-year-old mother,” one health official said.
On 16 March, Johnson assembled a meeting with Corbyn, Ashworth and staffers consisting of Cummings and Milne, along with Whitty, in Downing Street. It was meant to support Labour assistance for the coronavirus expense, presented 3 days later. “Everyone was crowded around one desk,” one observer said. “It was crazy if you consider it.”
The Labour group argued powerfully for more financial intervention, given the spontaneous lockdown lots of people in the country were already beginning to observe. 2 sources in the room said Johnson concurred with Corbyn and Ashworth that some kind of complete national lockdown would be inevitable. The meeting was cordial; Milne and Johnson even shared a joke about their time as journalists.
The conference’s significance might have been passed over had it not been for what followed.
Milne informed good friends he came down with a temperature level that night– and was subsequently featured on the front page of the Mail on Sunday as the guy who may have provided the virus to the prime minister. Sources close to Corbyn stated the then Labour leader also had some cold-like symptoms. Ashworth, who was likewise in the space, did not capture it.
Nobody can say for sure who spread out Covid to whom, since the infection was already widespread in Westminster.
That evening Johnson advised people to prevent all unnecessary contact and travel and to stay away from bars and theatres
On Wednesday 18 March, PMQs was quieter than usual but MPs still dribbled into the chamber. Sunak and Hancock, the health secretary, sat near Johnson on the frontbench. Corbyn, in spite of being over 70, went to in person, with his representative stating the federal government suggestions on protecting was still unclear.
On the Friday night, Johnson said bars and restaurants need to close and Sunak announced a furlough scheme. On Monday 23 March, in a ministerial broadcast from Downing Street, Johnson bought the entire nation to stay at house.
The very first indicator that authorities outside Downing Street had that something was wrong with Johnson was a peaceful questions by a No 10 unique advisor to talk to Whitty on Wednesday. The chief medical officer advised the prime minister to get a test, which came back positive.
Hancock began experiencing signs on 26 March, and rang his staff to state he had a temperature and was getting evaluated, prompting panic in the department about how to handle the media frenzy they expected ought to they need to reveal the health secretary was ill with coronavirus. However within hours the prime minister tested positive, and that was the story.
Johnson’s workplace realised in horror that one essential person he might have contaminated was Hoyle, who has type 1 diabetes.
” I got a telephone call right away. They were extremely anxious about me, since the video footage on the television was Boris six inches away speaking to me. And Hancock had also done the exact same in the exact same week,” Hoyle stated. “I was really fortunate, I didn’t get infected, however nobody could have got more detailed to either of them. I do not believe it was caught in your house. Far from it. My worry had to do with them bringing it into the house.”
A lot of those staffers who fell ill like dominoes over the coming days tried to keep working. Hancock was isolating when he got a positive test however carried on issuing directions from house. “If anything he was nearly more manic,” one authorities said.
Another senior party insider said they and many others just overcame the virus, taking short naps in between calls. “Even though I was ill, I ‘d worked every day from home for a week and I simply utilized to get extremely worn out in the afternoon and go to sleep for two hours. And then I kept working.”
” A lot was happening by video and you could not always inform if people were at house because they were ill,” one aide stated, explaining it as “like playing wink murder” to find who was attempting to battle through, or who was missing out on.
Whitty was pushed into self-isolation by Johnson’s medical diagnosis, as were numerous other staffers. Cummings, Johnson’s all-seeing chief of personnel, left London for Durham with his young family, his partner already sick and knowing he was most likely to develop the health problem.
In the week after Johnson was diagnosed, it was not taken too seriously by staff, or the prime minister himself. He operated in isolation in Downing Street and would thump himself on the chest and say “strong as a bull!” and aides would laugh.
But it was quietly becoming obvious it was taking him a long period of time to shake off the infection.
After making his day-to-day joke, he would cough. Then cough for longer. Johnson was working in a small workplace connected by a stairwell to his No 11 flat next to another used by his personal secretary and senior assistants, who would toss documentation and media scripts through the open door.
Johnson chaired cabinet on 28 March by video link, “coughing and spluttering his method through teleconference”, according to sources, which dripped into papers. Public questions were beginning to be asked about the prime minister’s condition.
On Friday 3 April it was clear that Johnson’s symptoms were lingering and aides took a video in which a neglected and clearly struggling prime minister said he “still has among the symptoms, a minor symptom, I still have a temperature level”.
The video was taped on Johnson’s phone and took numerous various takes to record since he was coughing so much. Aides had to keep nicely finding different methods to say: “I’m not sure we have actually quite nailed that there, boss.”
Even then, Johnson was joking about attempting to look well on electronic camera and “boost the nation”. Many felt at the time– and more now do in hindsight– that more need to have been done that week to persuade him to rest.
Advisers were getting worried. Discreet preparations were being made that week for Johnson’s admission to St Thomas’ health center, ought to it be essential. The Guardian got wind of this however it was rejected by authorities.
By Sunday, it was required. Johnson phoned his senior staff prior to he left for healthcare facility confirming Dominic Raab, the foreign secretary, need to take charge in his lack. Cummings was likewise out of the image, ill in Durham.
” It wasn’t in fact frightening– personally scary– until the PM practically passed away,” one senior official stated. “From that moment you go from it being simply a manic effort to get everything done to the consequences of all of it hitting you so hard.”
There was still a relentless attempt, outwardly, to pretend Johnson stayed in charge. At the daily press instruction on Monday 6 April, Raab kept repeating that the prime minister was in “good spirits”. In reality, neither was true.
That night Johnson was transferred to ICU. He had actually told the nation he hoped to turn the tide in 12 weeks which limitations would be evaluated in 3 weeks. In that third week, he remained in intensive care.
The meaning was not lost on numerous working carefully with him. Johnson’s private secretary, Martin Reynolds, phoned Downing Street and said there was a “50/50” possibility the prime minister would be put on a ventilator. If this had occurred, his opportunities of survival would have dropped. Sedwill supervised of preparing a plan for succession if Johnson died– authorized by the prime minister himself.
No 10 at that point resembled “a ghost ship”, as one assistant put it. Cummings remained in Durham, Cain was on his last day of self-isolation.
” Lee was available in like a bullet the next day,” one associate remembers. “There was a meeting he showed up to with Raab, Sedwill and other civil servants and he resembled: ‘Hi, I’m back, I supervise of the politics now.'”.
The political staff in No 10, especially those with a background in Conservative internecine politics, were also beginning to think about the headache situation of the death of the prime minister. “You understood the party would have forced some dreadful leadership election, it would have been carnage,” one said. “It was about confronting the utter scary of that– in a pandemic– and feeling quite overwhelmed with feeling, too.”.
Representing one of the flaws of the British political system, Downing Street looks like the court of a medieval king. What matters is the prime minister, and who matters are those who have the ear of the prime minister. Advisers fall in and out of favour and just a few are known to be straight promoting the prime minister– those who can therefore be taken seriously. When the prime minister is all of a sudden missing, the system no longer works.
” There’s a gap, like physically, in the building, and there was a bit of a space politically,” one previous consultant stated.
” The 2 main characters– Johnson and Cummings– were absent,” one No 10 insider said.
” When the court doesn’t have a king, it’s simply a huge vacuum,” another former staffer said. “The only reason senior people had authority is since they spoke with his voice. So when you remove him, it becomes extremely, extremely challenging to keep that authority.”.
” Boris in specific, his presence is truly felt, he uses up area,” another ex-staffer said. “And the other individual who had that existence was Dom. And he was gone as well.”.
” That week was hell,” another official stated. “There were all these meetings where it was never ever entirely clear who was driving things or in charge. Who was actually going to exist if you had a conference?”.
Those who recovered were desperate to get back into work. “I remember saying I need to be there, I’m going mad at home,” a Whitehall source stated. At the time, civil servants were bought to work from house however many in No 10 wanted to remain in the building. Cain told them they could come in if they wanted and he would take the flak.
” Lee did end up running the country for about two weeks, I ‘d say,” one adviser stated. “There was nobody else any sort of senior level who had any sort of authority on behalf of the PM to be doing things or making decisions.”.
Ministers’ aides were buddied up and informed to get to grips with a different department so they might watch each other if another fell sick.
Cain had been at the prime minister’s side for many years, through his time at Vote Leave, to the Foreign Office, to his time on the backbenches and through his management campaign. Much more than Cummings, Cain was seen by individuals in Whitehall as speaking with his boss’s voice. “It was a bit like a long marriage,” one close friend said.
Raab, the “designated survivor”, as he was nicknamed, took charge of the everyday organization as part of a quad of ministers with Sunak, Hancock and Michael Gove. Hancock was often the target in those meetings as the federal government struggled with PPE scarcities, deep concerns over ventilator capacity and what numerous felt were extremely optimistic promises by the health secretary on testing.
Raab felt his function was to be a stabilising force, one assistant stated. “He was an excellent manager, he didn’t push his own program. It was simply a holding position. But he didn’t step up in the method Rishi stepped up. You ‘d barely state it was a moment for Dom Raab.”.
Others described Raab’s understated attitude to the function as a strength. “He had a great deal of huge jostling egos to handle in the cabinet and he managed it,” an assistant stated.
A senior Downing Street source said it was like “chalk and cheese” working with Raab versus dealing with Johnson. The prime minister would hand out tasks from his red box, pleased to entrust– “a bit more loosey-goosey” as one expert put it. Raab was extremely rigorous with procedure and firmly insisted whatever went through Cain.
In the prime minister’s lack, battle lines were also beginning to be drawn between those who thought opening the economy was important and those who thought a long lockdown was necessary.
Cummings invested much of his seclusion checking out the Spanish influenza pandemic and told consultants after he returned that he had actually been convinced of the requirement for harder procedures and slower reopenings. There was some political calculation at play also: Cain and the Tory advisor Isaac Levido believed the party would be wiped out at the next election if there was a catastrophic death toll, whereas citizens would be more flexible of financial chaos.
Among those in favour of “running in hot”, which one characterised as “attempting to allow desperate entrepreneur to restore their incomes”, were Sunak and the prime minister’s chief of personnel, Edward Lister, who was protecting in your home for much of the duration. Papers were continuously informed about the rows between “doves and hawks”.
Gove was someone who “jumped from one camp to the other”, one consultant said, though in latter months he has been a more foreseeable voice of caution, alongside Hancock. In those early weeks, it was drily observed in Whitehall that Gove always seemed to be characterised as a hawk, whatever his position.
No 10 and Whitehall were besieged by leakages during that duration, on the extremely greatest issues. “It’s fucking Zoom,” an unique consultant said. “You ‘d log on to a delicate meeting and you think it’s going to be 5 key individuals and then you resemble, hold on, why exist 80 people here and who the hell are they? We may as well broadcast this thing live to the world.”.
The everyday 9.15 am call between Raab, Sunak, Gove and Hancock would continuously leakage. “Rish just specified where he would not even state anything in the meeting,” one expert said.
With Johnson briefly out of the picture, political assistants suggested there were some attempts by ministers or civil servants to silently dispose of out of favor concerns. An adviser remembers a suggestion that a legal signoff connected with HS2 was needed– which it be postponed till the prime minister’s return. “One of the very first things the PM said when he returned was: ‘I can’t think they attempted to delay HS2 while I remained in the ICU.'”.
” Individuals really pressed their luck during that time– cabinet ministers, civil servants,” a senior assistant said. “People provided statements for approval by No 10 simply 10 minutes before they were expected to provide them at journalism conference and we needed to resemble: hang the fuck on!”.
All the actions of personnel during that duration are likely to be the topic of a public query– perhaps the most essential endeavor in living memory. Many think the errors that were made were not a direct result of the way the virus ripped through the heart of Westminster and hobbled the operations of the federal government, however predictable effects of a years of purposeful policy.
” I wasn’t in government. So I do not understand the extent that individuals being off ill impeded the decision-making on a daily basis,” Ashworth said. “But the factor our reaction has been so disappointing and why we’ve been so exposed is due to the fact that of choices made over several years. The outright scandal about the way in which we allowed the infection to rip through social care, not offering their staff sick pay, which meant that staff needed to go to work.
” We’ve constructed an economy which is characterised by zero-hours agreements, momentary work. These are all a reflection of the type of economy that the Tories have constructed over the last 10 years.”.
Johnson went back to Downing Street on 12 April to a group that felt “overwhelmed with relief”, according to one staffer. He went to recuperate with his pregnant fiancee, Carrie Symonds, who was also recovering from the infection.
However any reprieve would be very short-term. The day he returned was the very same day Cummings set out for his drive to Barnard Castle.